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Mordechai Vanunu’s Nobel Stand

Rannie Amiri | 07.03.2010 21:41 | Anti-militarism | Repression | Social Struggles | World

For the first time in the history of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, a preemptive request to withdraw a nomination—by the nominee—was made.

It was revealed last week that in a letter to the Committee, Mordechai Vanunu had asked for his candidacy to be rescinded. It was unusual enough for Geir Lundestad to acknowledge that a nomination had even been received, let alone publicly disclose Vanunu’s request. But for Vanunu—a man who should have been awarded the Peace Prize long ago—it was in full keeping with the dignity, integrity and uncompromising nature of one to whom the world owes a great debt.

The Sunday Times, 5 October 1986
The Sunday Times, 5 October 1986

“He [Vanunu] has written letters to us this year and last year also, where he stated
explicitly that he did not want to be a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize. The
reason he gave was that Simon Peres had received the Nobel Peace Prize, and
Peres he alleged was the father of the Israeli atomic bomb and he did not want to
be associated with Peres in any way.”

[Geir Lundestad, Director of the Norwegian Nobel Institute and Secretary of the
Norwegian Nobel Committee, 24 February 2010]

For the first time in the history of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, a preemptive request to withdraw a nomination—by the nominee—was made.

It was revealed last week that in a letter to the Committee, Mordechai Vanunu had asked for his candidacy to be rescinded. It was unusual enough for Geir Lundestad to acknowledge that a nomination had even been received, let alone publicly disclose Vanunu’s request. But for Vanunu—a man who should have been awarded the Peace Prize long ago—it was in full keeping with the dignity, integrity and uncompromising nature of one to whom the world owes a great debt.

Mordechai Vanunu – more than just a whistleblower

Vanunu worked as a technician at Israel’s Dimona nuclear plant in the Negev Desert from 1976-1985. In a 1986 interview with The Sunday Times, he courageously exposed, for the first time, his country’s clandestine nuclear activity. A week prior to the interview’s publication, he was lured by a Mossad agent from London to Rome, where he was apprehended and whisked off to Israel. In secret proceedings, Vanunu stood trial for treason, was swiftly convicted, and sentenced to 18 years behind bars. He spent more than 11 of them in solitary confinement.

Vanunu was released from Ashkelon’s Shikma prison in April 2004, unapologetic and unrepentant. “I am proud and happy to do what I did,” he said.

As for enduring nearly two decades of incarceration?

“I said to the Shabak [Shin Bet], the Mossad, ‘you didn't succeed to break me, you didn't succeed to make me crazy.’”

Conditions of his parole prohibited him from speaking with journalists, supporters, or non-Israelis of any kind. He was restricted from travelling within the country and barred altogether from leaving it.

In 2007, Vanunu was found to be in violation of his parole, in part for attempting to travel from Jerusalem to Bethlehem, and it landed him in jail for another three months. Being a convert to Christianity and an advocate for Palestinian rights did not help his case, but only served to increase the scorn heaped upon him by his countrymen.

Although the term “whistleblower” is usually appended to Vanunu’s name, the description is weak and understated. He was more like the “siren” that alerted the world to Israel’s undeclared nuclear bombs and the introduction of weapons of mass destruction to the Middle East.

Shimon Peres – architect of Israel’s nuclear weapons program

In 1953, Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion appointed a young Shimon Peres to become Director-General of the Ministry of Defense. Acting in this capacity, Peres helped draw up the 1956 Protocol of Sèvers (in the run-up to the British, French and Israeli attack on Suez). Those meetings led him to enlist France’s help in constructing the Negev Nuclear Research Center.

Peres’ critical involvement in developing Israel’s nuclear capability was detailed in “Shimon Peres – The Biography” by historian Michael Ben-Zohar. According to Reuters, “The book divulges new details of how Peres served as a behind-the-scenes architect of Israel's military might, securing weapons secretly and buying an atomic reactor from France.”

It was specifically because Peres had pioneered Israel’s nuclear weapons program that Vanunu asked his name be taken off the list of Nobel candidates. He wanted no association with the alleged “dove,” who as foreign minister was the recipient of the 1994 Peace Prize along with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinian National Authority President Yasser Arafat.

Shimon Peres – apologist for a massacre

It was during Israel’s “Grapes of Wrath” campaign in Lebanon that the April 1996 Qana massacre took place. At a United Nations compound near the village of Qana, 800 Lebanese civilians had sought refuge from the fighting. Showing utter disregard for both the U.N. and the civilians they sheltered, the compound was shelled by the Israelis, killing 106 innocents and injuring more than 100.

Israel first said Hezbollah positions and not the U.N compound was their target (although they were aware of its exact coordinates). They later said the facility was inadvertently hit due to “incorrect targeting based on erroneous data” and the use of outdates maps (the ever-shifting explanations offered by the Israelis for a deliberate strike of a U.N. facility would later be repeated in the 2008-2009 Gaza War).

It was then Prime Minister Peres who finally justified the attack by blaming Hezbollah for it, using the tired, discredited, and oft-repeated “human shield” excuse (yet another tool used again by the Israel Defense Forces to rationalize the massacre of civilians in the Gaza War).

A subsequent U.N. investigation concluded it was unlikely that the shelling of the Qana compound was due to gross technical or procedural errors. An investigation conducted by Amnesty International found that the attack was “intentional and is condemned.” Human Rights Watch's report similarly stated, “We have declared this a massacre that was intentional using very highly accurate missiles and explosives.”

What the Nobel Committee and Vanunu should do

As the person who exposed Israel’s nuclear weapons program, Vanunu’s conscientious, principled position of requesting his name be removed from consideration for the same Peace Prize won by the man who fathered it, is admirable.

The Nobel Committee should not only continue to consider Vanunu however, but award its Peace Prize to him, if for no other reason than to redeem itself as a body recognizing deeds, not hopes.

An ignominious spotlight would then shine on Israel for preventing Vanunu from traveling to Norway to accept it, although he would still likely decline the Prize. If permitted to hold a press conference, it would give Vanunu the opportunity to tell the world of Peres’ shameful role in introducing nuclear weapons to the Middle East, to talk of the massacre at Qana that occurred under his leadership, to speak about the war crimes committed in Gaza and of Israel’s brutal occupation of East Jerusalem and the West Bank.

It is time once again for the Siren to sound.

* Rannie Amiri is an independent Middle East commentator. He may be reached at

Rannie Amiri
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Hide the following 3 comments

Obama agrees to keep Israel’s nukes secret

07.03.2010 21:46

1) Obama agrees to keep Israel’s nukes secret (2 October 2009)

2) The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Resolution on Israeli
Nuclear Capabilities (18 September 2009)

from the archives:

1) Israeli President Peres: The best way to deter Iran from continuing
its nuclear program is to threaten it with a ‘nuclear response’ (April

2) European mayors’ petition against the deployment of US nuclear
weapons (December 2007)


excerpts from: Obama agrees to keep Israel’s nukes secret

by Eli Lake, Washington Times, 2 October 2009

President Obama has reaffirmed a 4-decade-old secret [agreement,
whereby] […] the U.S. has not pressured Israel to disclose its nuclear
weapons or to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which
could require Israel to give up its estimated several hundred nuclear
bombs. […]

The officials […] said Mr. Obama pledged to maintain the agreement
when he first hosted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the
White House in May.


excerpts from: “Israeli nuclear capabilities”: Resolution adopted on
18 September 2009 during the tenth plenary meeting

International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) website, 18 September 2009

Recalling the 2000 NPT [Non-Proliferation Treaty] Review Conference,
which welcomed the fact that all States in the Middle East, with the
exception of Israel, are States parties to the NPT […] [the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) ] [e]xpresses concern about
the Israeli nuclear capabilities, and calls upon Israel to accede to
the NPT and place all its nuclear facilities under comprehensive IAEA


from the archives:

excerpt from: Israel’s Peres sees containment for a nuclear Iran

by Dan Williams, Reuters, 29 April 2009

“Simply attacking the nuclear facilities is not the be-all and end-
all. There are other options for the West, or the coalition that
arises. The first thing is to tell the Iranians ... ‘If you use a
nuclear weapon -- no matter against whom -- you’ll get a nuclear
response.’ “ [Israeli President Shimon Peres told Israel’s Channel Ten


excerpt from: European mayors want withdrawal of US nukes from their
territory marking INF [i.e. the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces
Treaty] 20th anniversary

2020 Vision Campaign website, 6 December 2007

“While our public is regularly provided alarming media reports of
nuclear dangers in Iraq, North Korea or Iran, what is supposed to be a
well-informed western audience is living in ignorance of the
destructive power of thousands of potential Hiroshimas stored in their

[Mayors for Peace petition launched on 6 December 2007 by the European
Mayors on whose territory US nuclear weapons are deployed, namely:

Vedat Karadag (Incirlik, TURKEY), Stefano Del Cont (Aviano, ITALY),
Anna Giulia Guarneri (Ghedi, ITALY), Theo Kelchtermans (Peer,
BELGIUM), Dr. Joke W. Kersten (Uden, NETHERLANDS), Heinz Onnertz
(Buechel, GERMANY) ]


related link:

Phony Nuclear Disarmament

by Margaret Kimberley, Black Agenda Report, 4 August 2009


dandelion salad
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US army chief: We're obliged to make sure that the Holocaust never happens again

07.03.2010 21:51

US army chief Mullen and Israeli army chief Ashkenazi visit the Holocaust museum
US army chief Mullen and Israeli army chief Ashkenazi visit the Holocaust museum

US army chief: We are obligated to make sure that the Holocaust will never happen again

[propaganda alert]

Editorial note: In the name of preventing another Holocaust, the war-criminal-in-chief threatens war against a country that has never waged any war of aggression.


“We, all of us, are obligated to make sure that such terrible events [i.e. the Holocaust] will never happen again.”

[US army chief Michael Mullen, speech at the Yad Vashem Holocaust Museum, Jerusalem, 15 February 2010] [1]

“We would operate all our forces for Israel. […] The option to attack Iran is still on the table, but we’re not there yet.”

[US army chief Michael Mullen, joint press conference with the Israeli army chief Gabi Ashkenazi, Tel Aviv, 14 February 2010] [2]


from the archives:

“Our soul screams out: ‘This [i.e. the Holocaust] can’t be correct, this must not be real.’ But then, defeated, it screams out ‘Never Again.’ ”

[Italy’s Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, comments in the visitors’ book, Yad Vashem Holocaust Museum, Jerusalem, 1 February 2010] [3]

“Never again ignore blood-thirsty dictators, hiding behind demagogical masks, who utter murderous slogans. The threats to annihilate a people and a nation are voiced in the shadow of weapons of mass-destruction [...]”

[Israeli President Shimon Peres, speech on the International Holocaust Remembrance Day, Germany’s Parliament Bundestag, Berlin, 27 January 2010] [4]

“We cannot allow this to be repeated. We, means the whole civilized world. We cannot allow those who wish to perpetrate mass death, those who call for the destruction of the Jewish people or the Jewish state, to go unchallenged. […] [T]he most important thing to do is to nip it at the bud.”

[Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, speech at the Axel Springer publishing house, Berlin, 27 August 2009] [5]

“The Holocaust is […] an eternal responsibility of our country, and part of a basic tenet of our policy […] is to defend Israel always, […] and that is why we feel so responsible now also as regards Iran.”

[Germany’s Prime Minister Angela Merkel, joint press conference with the Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, Berlin, 27 August 2009] [6]

“There are clocks ticking all around. One of those clocks is the uranium enrichment clock, which will show that by a certain date the Iranians will have sufficient, highly enriched uranium materials to create a bomb that could literally wipe Israel off the map in a matter of seconds.”

[Israeli Ambassador to the US Michael Oren, Aspen Ideas Festival, Colorado, 3 July 2009] [7]

“When you see the gas chambers, the concentration camps, […] it makes you absolutely determined that we should not ever allow this to happen again.”

[UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown, interview at the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp, 28 April 2009] [8]

“How do we ensure that ‘never again’ isn’t an empty slogan, or merely an aspiration, but also a call to action?”

[US President Barack Obama, Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony, United States Capitol, Washington D.C., 23 April 2009] [9]

“France will always stand shoulder to shoulder with Israel when her security and existence are threatened. […] And those who call scandalously for Israel’s destruction will always find France in their way, blocking the path.”

[France’s President Nicholas Sarkozy, speech at the Israeli Parliament Knesset, Jerusalem, 23 June 2008] [10]



[1] Admiral Mullen Visits Yad Vashem Holocaust Museum

Israel Defense Forces website, 15 February 2010

[2] U.S Army Chief: “Iran attack option on the table”

Israel Defense Forces website, 14 February 2010

[3] Visit of Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi at Yad Vashem

Yad Vashem (Holocaust Museum) website, 1 February 2010

[4] Address by President Peres at the German Bundestag

Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, 27 January 2010

[5] PM Benjamin Netanyahu’s Speech at Axel Springer, Berlin, Germany

(Israeli) Prime Minister’s Office website, 27 August 2009

[6] Joint Press Conference of PM Netanyahu and Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel in Berlin

(Israeli) Prime Minister’s Office website, 27 August 2009

[7] Israel US ambassador warns of Iranian bomb

by Yitzak Benhorin, Ynetnews, 3 July 2009,7340,L-3740959,00.html

[8] PM’s words at the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp
Number 10 (UK Prime Minister’s Office) website, 29 April 2009

[9] Remarks by the President at the Holocaust Days of Remembrance Ceremony

The White House website, 23 April 2009

[10] Speech by M. Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the Republic, to the Knesset

Embassy of France in Washington website, 23 June 2008


dandelion salad
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NATO's secret transatlantic bond: Nuclear weapons in Europe

07.03.2010 21:54

Flashback: NATO's secret transatlantic bond: Nuclear weapons in Europe

by Rick Rozoff, 4 December 2009

"Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Dutch, Belgian, Italian and German pilots remain ready to engage in nuclear war."

"Nuclear forces based in Europe and committed to NATO provide an essential political and military link between the European and the North American members of the Alliance. The Alliance will therefore maintain adequate nuclear forces in Europe.”

“Although technically owned by the U.S., nuclear bombs stored at NATO bases are designed to be delivered by planes from the host country.”

"The Department of Defense, in coordination with the Department of State, should engage its appropriate counterparts among NATO Allies in reassessing and confirming the role of nuclear weapons in Alliance strategy and policy for the future."

Is Italy capable of delivering a thermonuclear strike? Could the Belgians and the Dutch drop hydrogen bombs on enemy targets?...Germany's air force couldn't possibly be training to deliver bombs 13 times more powerful than the one that destroyed Hiroshima, could it?

The above is from the opening paragraph of a feature in Time magazine's online edition of December 2, one entitled "What to Do About Europe's Secret Nukes."

In response to the rhetorical queries posed it adopts the deadly serious tone befitting the subject in stating, "It is Europe's dirty secret that the list of nuclear-capable countries extends beyond those — Britain and France — who have built their own weapons. Nuclear bombs are stored on air-force bases in Italy, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands — and planes from each of those countries are capable of delivering them."

The author of the article, Eben Harrell, who wrote an equally revealing piece for the same news site in June of 2008, cites the Federation of American Scientists as asserting that there are an estimated 200 American B61 thermonuclear gravity bombs stationed in the four NATO member states listed above. A fifth NATO nation that is home to the warheads, Turkey, is not dealt with in the news story. In the earlier Times article alluded to previously, author Harrell wrote that “The U.S. keeps an estimated 350 thermonuclear bombs in six NATO countries." [1] They are three variations of the B61, "up to 10 [or 13] times more powerful than the Hiroshima bomb" [2] - B61-3s, B61-4s and B61-10s - stationed on eight bases in Alliance states.

The writer reminded the magazine's readers that "Under a NATO agreement struck during the Cold War, the bombs, which are technically owned by the U.S., can be transferred to the control of a host nation's air force in times of conflict. Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Dutch, Belgian, Italian and German pilots remain ready to engage in nuclear war." [3]

The B61 is the Pentagon's mainstay hydrogen weapon, a "lightweight bomb [that can] be delivered by...Air Force, Navy and NATO planes at very high altitudes and at speeds above Mach 2."

Also, it "can be dropped at high speeds from altitudes as low as 50 feet. As many as 22 different varieties of aircraft can carry the B61 externally or internally. This weapon can be dropped either by free-fall or as parachute-retarded; it can be detonated either by air burst or ground burst." [4]

The warplanes capable of transporting and using the bomb include new generation U.S. stealth aircraft such as the B-2 bomber and the F-35 Lightning II (multirole Joint Strike Fighter), capable of penetrating air defenses and delivering both conventional and nuclear payloads.

The Pentagon's Prompt Global Strike program, which "could encompass new generations of aircraft and armaments five times faster than anything in the current American arsenal," including "the X-51 hypersonic cruise missile, which is designed to hit Mach 5 — roughly 3600 mph," [5] could be configured for use in Europe also, as the U.S. possesses cruise missiles with nuclear warheads for deployment on planes and ships. But the warplanes mandated to deliver American nuclear weapons in Europe are those of its NATO allies, including German Tornados, variants of which were used in NATO's 1999 air war against Yugoslavia and are currently deployed in Afghanistan.

There are assumed to be 130 U.S. nuclear warheads at the Ramstein and 20 at the Buechel airbases in Germany and 20 at the Kleine Brogel Air Base in Belgium. Additionally, there are reports of dozens more in Italy (at Aviano and Ghedi) and even more, the largest amount of American nuclear weapons outside the United States itself, in Turkey at the Incirlik airbase. [6]

Not only are the warheads stationed in NATO nations but are explicitly there as part of a sixty-year policy of the Alliance, in fact a major cornerstone of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. An article in this series written before the bloc's sixtieth anniversary summit in France and Germany this past April, NATO’s Sixty Year Legacy: Threat Of Nuclear War In Europe [7], examined the inextricable link between the founding of NATO in 1949 and the deployment of U.S. nuclear weapons and delivery systems in Europe. One of the main purposes of founding the Alliance was exactly to allow for the basing and use of American nuclear arms on the continent.

Seven months after the creation of the bloc, the NATO Defense Doctrine of November 1949 called for insuring “the ability to carry out strategic bombing including the prompt delivery of the atomic bomb. This is primarily a US responsibility assisted as practicable by other nations.” [8]

The current NATO Handbook contains a section titled NATO's Nuclear Forces in the New Security Environment which contains this excerpt:

"During the Cold War, NATO’s nuclear forces played a central role in the Alliance’s strategy of flexible response....[N]uclear weapons were integrated into the whole of NATO’s force structure, and the Alliance maintained a variety of targeting plans which could be executed at short notice. This role entailed high readiness levels and quick-reaction alert postures for significant parts of NATO’s nuclear forces.” [9]

At no time was the deployment and intended use of U.S. nuclear weapons in Europe part of a nuclear deterrence strategy. The former Soviet Union was portrayed as having a conventional arms superiority in Europe and U.S. and NATO doctrine called for the first use of nuclear bombs. The latter were based in several NATO states on the continent as part of what was called a "nuclear sharing" or "nuclear burden sharing" arrangement: Although the bombs stored in Europe were American and under the control of the Pentagon, war plans called for their being loaded onto fellow NATO nation’s bombers for use against the Soviet Union and its (non-nuclear) Eastern European allies. The USSR itself, incidentally, didn't successfully test its first atomic bomb until four months after NATO was formed.

With the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, formed six years after NATO and in response to the inclusion of the Federal Republic of Germany in the bloc (and the U.S. moving nuclear weapons into the nation), and of the Soviet Union itself in 1991, the Pentagon withdrew the bulk of 7,000 warheads it had maintained in Europe, but still maintains hundreds of tactical nuclear bombs.

At the 1999 NATO fiftieth anniversary summit in Washington, D.C., during which the bloc was conducting its first war, the 78-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, and expanding to incorporate three former Warsaw Pact members (the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland), it also approved its new and still operative Strategic Concept which states in part:

"The supreme guarantee of the security of the Allies is provided by the strategic nuclear forces of the Alliance, particularly those of the United States; the independent nuclear forces of the United Kingdom and France, which have a deterrent role of their own, contribute to the overall deterrence and security of the Allies.

“A credible Alliance nuclear posture and the demonstration of Alliance solidarity...continue to require widespread participation by European Allies involved in collective defence planning in nuclear roles, in peacetime basing of nuclear forces on their territory and in command, control and consultation arrangements. Nuclear forces based in Europe and committed to NATO provide an essential political and military link between the European and the North American members of the Alliance. The Alliance will therefore maintain adequate nuclear forces in Europe.” [10]

The Time report of 2008 wrote of the ongoing policy that it is:

"A ‘burden-sharing’ agreement that has been at the heart of NATO military policy since its inception.

“Although technically owned by the U.S., nuclear bombs stored at NATO bases are designed to be delivered by planes from the host country.” [11]

It also discussed the Air Force Blue Ribbon Review of Nuclear Weapons Policies and Procedures released in February of 2008 which "recommended that American nuclear assets in Europe be consolidated, which analysts interpret as a recommendation to move the bombs to NATO bases under 'U.S. wings,' meaning American bases in Europe." [12}

Both Time articles by Eben Harrell, that of last year and that of this month, emphasize that the basing of nuclear warheads on the territory of non-nuclear nations - and Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Turkey are non-nuclear nations - is a gross violation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty [NPT], whose first two Articles state, respectively:

"Each nuclear-weapon State Party to the Treaty undertakes not to transfer to any recipient whatsoever nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices or control over such weapons or explosive devices directly, or indirectly; and not in any way to assist, encourage, or induce any non-nuclear-weapon State to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices, or control over such weapons or explosive devices."

"Each non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the Treaty undertakes not to receive the transfer from any transferor whatsoever of nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices or of control over such weapons or explosive devices directly, or indirectly; not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices; and not to seek or receive any assistance in the manufacture of nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices." [13]

The Time piece of December 2, then, points out that the continued presence of U.S. nuclear warheads in Europe is "more than an anachronism or historical oddity. They [the weapons] are a violation of the spirit of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)...."

"Because 'nuclear burden-sharing,' as the dispersion of B61s in Europe is called, was set up before the NPT came into force, it is technically legal. But as signatories to the NPT, the four European countries and the U.S. have pledged 'not to receive the transfer...of nuclear weapons or control over such weapons directly, or indirectly.' That, of course, is precisely what the long-standing NATO arrangement entails." [14]

The author also mentioned the report of the Secretary of Defense Task Force on Nuclear Weapons Management, chaired by former U.S. Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger, Phase I [15] of which was released in September and Phase II [16] in December of 2008. The second part of the report contains a section called Deterrence: The Special Case of NATO which states:

"The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) represents a special case for deterrence, both because of history and the presence of nuclear weapons....[T]he presence of U.S. nuclear weapons in Europe remains a pillar of NATO unity. The deployment of nuclear weapons in Europe is not a Service or regional combatant command issue — it is an Alliance issue. As long as NATO members rely on U.S. nuclear weapons for deterrence — and as long as they maintain their own dual-capable aircraft as part of that deterrence — no action should be taken to remove them without a thorough and deliberate process of consultation.

"The Department of Defense, in coordination with the Department of State, should engage its appropriate counterparts among NATO Allies in reassessing and confirming the role of nuclear weapons in Alliance strategy and policy for the future.

"The Department of Defense should ensure that the dual-capable F-35 remains on schedule. Further delays would result in increasing levels of political and strategic risk and reduced strategic options for both the United States and the Alliance."

The F-35 is the Joint Strike Fighter multirole warplane discussed earlier, which its manufacturer Lockheed Martin boasts "Provides the United States and allied governments with an affordable, stealthy 5TH generation fighter for the 21st century." [17]

Far from the end of the Cold War signaling the elimination of the danger of a nuclear catastrophe in Europe, in many ways matters are now even more precarious. NATO's expansion over the past decade has now brought it to Russia's borders. Five full member states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway and Poland) and as many Partnership for Peace adjuncts (Azerbaijan, Finland, Georgia, Kazakhstan and Ukraine) directly adjoin Russian territory and for over five years NATO warplanes have conducted air patrols over the Baltic Sea region, a three minute flight from St. Petersburg. [18]

If launching the first unprovoked armed assault against a European nation since Hitler's wars of 1939-1941 ten years ago and currently conducting the world's longest and most large-scale war in South Asia were not reasons enough to demand the abolition of the world's only military bloc, so-called global NATO, then the Alliance's insistence on the right to station - and employ - nuclear weapons in Europe is certainly sufficient grounds for its consignment to the dark days of the Cold War and to oblivion.



1) Time, June 19, 2008
2) Ibid
3) Time, December 2, 2009,8599,1943799,00.html?xid=rss-topstories
4) Global Security
5) Popular Mechanics, January 2007
6) Turkish Daily News, June 30, 2008
7) NATO’s Sixty Year Legacy: Threat Of Nuclear War In Europe
Stop NATO, March 31, 2009
10) NATO, April 24, 1999
11) Time, June 19, 2008
12) Ibid
14) Time, December 2, 2009
17) Lockheed Martin
18) Baltic Sea: Flash Point For NATO-Russia Conflict
Stop NATO, February 27, 2009
Scandinavia And The Baltic Sea: NATO’s War Plans For The High North
Stop NATO, June 14, 2009


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