The system malfunction could easily be omitted, since it only serves as a substitute for other choices, but that would presuppose purity of intent. When this is not the case, and the systematic attempt to compensate for own lack of perspective with the obstruction of competitors who have takes its place, the “big lie” is incorporated in the so-called “future without a future” that is the military occupation coming to distort both reality and imagination. Hence the overwhelmingly lethal outlook which can only become more liveable when the oppression ceases. The system´s lack of capability – both technically and mentally – to escape its deadly contradiction can be summed up in a metaphor – if military occupation was a medical condition – as opposed to the organised crime it is – the prevention thereof would not merely be in the interest of this or that patient suffering it but in a common health – resp. sovereignty – interest as well.
In the specific situation of the Philippines the time anomaly has severe implications reaching beyond the infringement on local sovereignty. Although the American empire had extraterritorial military bases, such as the site of the Guantanamo torture centre, from its wars with the colonialist empires on whose role its existence came to depend, it only resorted to the evil of military occupation in the world war, and even there only when it became obvious that the defeated territories of its imperialist rivals would otherwise be occupied by those who had suffered the oppression coming from there, such as in Japan and Germany.
The American role as an occupier there was not the result of its own achievements, but due to its malignant intention to take away that role from others causally related to it. The military debarkments into Europe came after the tide had already been turned, and the remaining conflict was only over the distribution of the defeated territory. The massive campaign against Japan on the other side was reaping the rewards of a destructive force exceptionalist claims to which have to include so significant downside effects that it can only be had all at once. Only from thereon destructive meddling up to the extent of military occupation developed into the existential risk for the world it is today. And only in rather recent time, despite continued meddling over decades, military occupation came to exceed the priority it had in the case of Germany.
Now the military occupation of the Philippines is adding to that the grotesque scenario of a territory (or more precisely, an archipelago) which had not been defeated in war, but was handed over to the imperialist by the Manila regime without a war. Fear of regional independence due to past wrongdoings may be a motivation, but not a sufficient explanation of the incident. The silent defeat of the country by means of treason of the regime, that is a military occupation without a war, that is the complete detachment of the means of military occupation from its hitherto pretext, let off purpose, and finally the obvious absurdity of its calculations prove that imperialism itself has no positive expectation of any kind of its own deeds. Obviously the claim that a system remaining from aggressive oppression of all available alternatives was the best possible system is devoid of any human common sense.
A century ago in the Spanish-American war the Philippines were conquered from the then Spanish empire, which is now a bankrupt farce kept up by its handlers only as a commercial scam. At that point, even by the most greedy American politicians of the time, as opposed to immigrants who entirely advised against any benefit of the doubt for such ambition, the situation was perceived as an opportunity to prove that they were not like the colonialist they had defeated (see Oct 29, 2013). With that case being decided, the American empire that succeeded the various European colonialists has now arrived at the same level of dehumanisation, having extended military occupation to places that have not even wanted to become enemies of it. In the course of its extension, the role and function of military occupation has declined from a means to an end to a mere claim without a rational purpose.
The closing of the circle or more precisely spiral of violence appearing within the discrepancy of supposedly good intentions and predictably bad (if not evil) results influences the ongoing military occupations of the same empire in other places. This had already been the case in earlier stages, when the war against Iraq hampered the American disengagement from Germany even though the Russian military occupation there had ended without such complications. First, the war on Iraq would avoid to occupy it and the American occupation of Germany continued, and then in a later stage occupation troops went into Iraq but they were not pulled out of Germany. Covered by the distraction generated by the Iraq war, the German issue was treated with the Thatcher treaty which failed to make clear prescriptions on ending the occupation and ignored the earlier treaties between the involved parties. It seems questionable how any realistic settlement would be achieved in Ukraine if even Moscow hesitates to ratify these treaties, let off the imperialist side. But as emphasised before, due to the attack of imperialism the international system is in a death spasm, and even the predicted side-effects materialise to the letter – when religious scholars are forced into the military then they become targets (see Mar 15 + 21, 2014) The emotions spent over the institutional loss of respect are squandered if they are not targeted against its actual source.
Likewise, the additional military occupation of the Philippines has consequences for the existing military occupations. In Iraq, the disruption of the downscaling procedure, the insertion of additional occupation soldiers deliberately not labelled as such and the failure of the puppet regime in Baghdad has already occurred, and the Berlin regime has been so severely shocked by the possibility that the truth about its evil designs could be perceived that it performs its own military death spasm mimicking that of the Nazi grasp for the Atomic bomb after the Cuban missile crisis whose political remainder in form of the “nuclear sharing” compromises the American “superpower” status up to the current day – Russia cannot proliferate atomic bombs to vassal states at the whim of a commander. But the Americans do in Germany and given the Berlin regime´s greed to get access of the same kind to other weapons of massive destruction it is nothing but that.
Yet while in Iraq there is a resistance movement which can replace the collaborator state, in Germany there is not and the few and far between who could be are busy defending their sovereignty even before a social movement can form. The detrimental effects of overdrawn military occupation after so many generations make it that a mere ending of the occupation without a wider defeat of the occupier would empower a collaborator regime without any potential to replace it with something more humane. This is in general valid for all of Europe, as the fate of an ISIS fighter shows, who came to Europe and despite of multi-layered caution was promptly entrapped by the totalitarian menace currently devastating the subcontinent, although when it comes to substantial needs such as biological integrity preservation and ecological desindustrialisation, Europeanunion is failing and relegating the issues to the provincial level. So do the nation states in their spying-induced death spasm that makes them spend more effort for suicidal harassment of dissenters than for any humane purpose.
What the military occupation of the Philippines adds to this is the internationalisation of totalitarianism. As the empire relies on abusive occupation in the described manner, any irritation in one of these occupied places can easily propagate to the others and does so at the extent of local sovereignty. Only this deprecation can explain that a negative chaos theory effect takes place, and such arbitrary choices whether an offline tool is just being available or not can become the crystallisation point for entire disinformation campaigns. It is of course trivial to point out that such totalitarianism besides its willing executioners and their demented obsession with their targets depends on the existence of empire and military occupation and would simply not be possible without it because the malignant intent of the evildoers could not sustain itself without a hierarchy that feeds it. These evil creatures can only exist in the artificial conditions of their organised crime and would under equal conditions either have to evolve or go extinct.
Yet the military occupation with its deformation of the natural continuum of time maximises the totalitarianism for its exploitation not only in the place where it is expanding but also in these where it already is. Practically this would mean that if the writer were to produce an internet search request on the issue and the occupier would associate it with the person it might be spamming the communication before the research is completed. In fact even the securing of the most basic freedom rights would require to create the amount of unpredictability otherwise only required for scientific experiment. If this cannot be obtained it does not only threaten the life of the researcher but also the results of the research due to technical insider sabotage perpetrated by the occupation.
Besides the obvious fact that such a system cannot be meaningfully interacted with and necessarily mandates total abolition, it also carries implications for all such situations. The most significant side-effect of an occupation that does not pretend any plausible pretext but deliberately occupies the according to all reasonable criteria innocent – although the Manila regime is a totalitarian client state as well, it is far from the crimes of Berlin or Baghdad – is that no place suffering military occupation can solve this problem by mere expulsion of it, not even if it is blessed with a practical alternative or of the fragmented geography of an archipelago where each island has its own issues and affairs. The evil of occupation can only be gotten rid of if it is entirely eliminated with all its roots, for otherwise it would just attempt to exploit the next meaningless irritation for its violent rampages.
Finally, it is an illusion that a way of interaction could be found, because that would only be safe if kept at an impenetrable distance and if that was to be the case the exploitation that were to be interacted with would not exist at all. Only the total obliteration of the occupier from the planet and everything that is related to it can restore the possibility of a future, in that respect the cautiously optimistic analysis of the Mesopotamian Caliphate (see Jun 26, 2014) has to be supplemented with additional caution. Any secessionist approach towards imperialism which is not absolutely targeted on the decisive goal of ending it entirely, that is abolition, is itself vulnerable to occupation. This should already be obvious from the regional context of the occupation of the archipelago. While the regime of Vietnam, in an opportunist gamble in reaction to the Chinese securing of the region against imperialist penetration, sided with the traitor regime in Manila and thereby failed the test that it could be more than yet another traitor, the people in the country have not and when they were commanded to rage against independent states instead chose to target the regional collaborators of imperialism, so that the Hanoi regime ordered them to display their flags in order to be able to exclude both deliberate and random confusion. Even in the most detrimental circumstances, that means, the scapegoating military occupation requires for distraction from its own wrongdoings can be redirected against the interest of imperialism, and that this happens again and again is testimony that it is fundamentally wrong and the time of total abolition will come one way or another.
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- Why is the Nonproliferation Treaty Failing? (9.1.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/01/514650.html
- The Death of the Inclusion Policy in the East Asian Shelf Waters (16.1.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/01/514789.html
- Triple Treason in the Caucasus (23.1.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/01/514946.html
- NATO. Obituary to a Nukepool (27.1.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/01/515002.html
- Obey or Die - The Pathology of Organised Treason in Europe (21.2.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/02/515538.html
- The Suicide Attack Against indymedia and its Cause (28.2.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/02/515677.html
- What does the Invasion of Yalta Mean for the European Peninsula? (8.3.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/03/515828.html
- Why is Poland a Nazi Client State? (15.3.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/03/515949.html
- Palestine, the United Nations and the Refugees (21.3.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/03/516041.html
- The External Cost of Spying (28.3.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/03/516118.html
- How Deep Is the Atlantic Divide Really? (8.4.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/04/516271.html
- Boko Haram – An Image From The Future (4.5.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/05/516551.html
- The Pacific Fata Morgana and its Imperialist Origins (12.5.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/05/516662.html
- The German Sustainability Scam and its Fascist Purpose (21.5.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/05/516731.html
- Hindu Supremacism – A Spent Force of Casino Capitalism (30.5.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/05/516814.html
- Birth of an Independent Hope – the Revolution in West Asia (26.6.) - https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2014/06/517081.html